By Virginia Valian
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24 Welfare, Democracy, and the New Deal mon in larger cities. Between 1923 and 1929 public outdoor relief in sixteen cities rose from $11,640,000 to $18,989,000 a year. 5 percent), but general outdoor relief to those in distress increased by 110 percent even during this period of unparalleled prosperity. 32 Public welfare had also been taking over ground previously cultivated by private charities. 6 percent of all relief came from public funds. " Porter R. 33 Public welfare gained ground but not without effort.
A principal argument for such plans was that they kept together a skilled labor force, but this implied that several years of service would be required to qualify for benefits, which would lapse if a worker moved to another job. Employers would give something extra to favored workers but do nothing to alleviate poverty, and the most that could be hoped was that they would take some pressure off public welfare by looking after a limited number of employees when they were sick or old. More respect was given to mutual schemes for 44 Welfare, Democracy, and the New Deal sick and unemployment benefits, run by the labor unions and other voluntary associations, but the character of organized labor at this time meant that most beneficiaries would be skilled men who had been able to afford the dues when employed.
Appendix 1: The National Conference of Social Work Frequent references will be made to papers published in the Proceedings of the conference, and a note on its character and procedures is therefore appropriate. The conference began as the National Conference of Charities and Correction and changed its name in 1917. It met annually, usually in May, in a different large city each year. The president held office for a year, and his or her principal duty was to open the proceedings with an address, which normally offered a broad interpretation of problems and policies.
Advancing Women Bibliography by Virginia Valian