By Ilja A. Luciak
"Gender equality and significant democratization are inextricably linked," writes Ilja Luciak. "The democratization of significant the US calls for the entire incorporation of girls as citizens, applicants, and workplace holders." In After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, Luciak indicates how former guerrilla girls in 3 relevant American nations made the transition from insurgents to mainstream political avid gamers within the democratization process.
Examining the position of girls within the a number of levels of innovative and nationwide politics, Luciak starts off with ladies as contributors and leaders in guerrilla activities. girls contributed tremendously to the innovative fight in all 3 international locations, yet thereafter many similarities ended. In Guatemala, ideological disputes decreased women's political effectiveness at either the intra-party and nationwide degrees. In Nicaragua, even though women's rights turned a secondary factor for the innovative celebration, girls have been still capable of placed the problem at the nationwide schedule. In El Salvador, girls took best roles within the innovative social gathering and have been in a position to contain women's rights right into a extensive reform schedule. Luciak cautions that whereas lively measures to strengthen the political function of ladies have bolstered formal gender equality, simply the joint efforts of either sexes can result in a winning transformation of society according to democratic governance and noticeable gender equality.
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Additional info for After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala
To be a leader at that time, or to assume a command position or tasks of military leadership was in absolute contradiction to being a mother. It is not like this for men because the father-son relationship is different in this society. I wish it would be equal, but it is not. I remember this price I had to pay. On one occasion one of my daughters had broken her arm, and I was notiﬁed that the arm was broken and that she called for me from the hospital. I asked the leadership for permission to leave and they told me: “Look, you know that Gender Composition of Guerrilla Movements 13 none of us can leave here without authorization of the compañeros that are at the Guazapa volcano.
Thus, as in the case of the Sandinistas, we have to rely on estimates and indirect methods of data collection in order to determine the gender composition of the counterrevolutionary forces. It is established that there were a number of female ﬁghters among the Contras, although the popular image holds that it was basically a male force. 43 Indirect evidence suggests that female participation was at the lower end of this spectrum. CIAV-OEA also registered the family members of the ﬁghters who lived in camps in Honduras.
This changed in the late 1970s, when women’s groups emerged within the various Salvadoran guerrilla groups. For example, Tula Alvarenga, the wife of the FPL’s eminent leader Salvador Cayetano Carpio, favored women’s organizing efforts. She was marginalized, however, following the assassination of Mélida Anaya Montes and the 1983 suicide of Carpio, who was accused of having ordered the murder of his number two commander. As a consequence of these events, the FPL women’s group ﬁrst split into two and eventually dissolved.
After the Revolution: Gender and Democracy in El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala by Ilja A. Luciak